Showing posts with label looting. Show all posts
Showing posts with label looting. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 2, 2011

Egypt and the Press: Stories and Stories

Coverage of the uprising in Egypt in its second week has become characterised by a number of types of reports, most of which paint colorful pictures, but do little to inform on the situation.  There are the political discussions as to the West’s reaction, and how the uprising will unbalance the Arab world and its relationship with Israel.  There are also personal interest stories, about tourists and tycoons fleeing Cairo.  There are business reports about stock markets.  Then there are vignettes into the disorder itself:  Jailbreaks have been given coverage, and Hosni Mubarak, through state TV, has publicised the looting and vandalism that is occurring, primarily in wealthy neighbourhoods, where there is actual wealth to loot. 

Cairo - Flags, by Muhammad*#
The West has been gripped by reports of vandalism at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, with reports carrying headlines claiming “looting” and “ransacking.”  In fact, reports go on to describe that there have been only 10 small artifacts damaged, 2 mummies damaged, and nothing stolen.  Thus looting has not occurred, and only something of a rather polite “ransacking” when only 12 items out of a massive collection of Egyptian artifacts are affected.  Stories presented in this manner seem to ask the question:  Should the disorder be allowed to continue if it puts at risk the treasures of the Egyptian Museum?  This is a type of sensationalism and yellow journalism which wants to paint the Egyptian uprising as mindlessly destructive.  Currently, armed forces and vigilantes guard the museum.

Other reports discuss looting, vigilantes and Bedouin tribesmen breaking people out of jail.  This type of press has been reaching the Egyptian people themselves.  Again, it asks a negative question, as to whether the uprising is “worth it,” if it means crimes will go unpunished and criminals on the loose.  However, the mass of people seem unafraid that while they are out protesting someone will ransack their house.  Most Egyptians are more concerned with their government and police whose crimes have for 30 years gone unpunished, and whom remain as always “at large.”  Many of the described vigilantes are also community members who are manning barricades and conducting neighbourhood watches in the vacuum of police coercion; working to stop the inevitable few people who are willing to take advantage of a lack of security to enrich themselves (or steal food and fuel).  Furthermore, at this point it can’t be disproved that in many cases it is plain-clothes agents of the government who are committing these acts of vandalism, looting and robbery undercover, in order to discredit the public and the protests as criminal.  Such reports have been confirmed, and this notion has great credibility on the street with Egyptians. 

As for reports of jailbreaks by the Bedouin, the favourite gypsy-nomad scapegoat of popular culture and governments in the Middle East for everything from drug and gun running to indecency; it seems that "Bedouins on the loose" is a far bigger concern for Mubarak than for people on the ground, who do not seem too concerned with the familiar caricature image of camelback heathens amok on the fringes of society.  While jailbreaks are a serious thing, especially to Western sensibilities, could it be that such does not concern Egyptians nearly as much at the moment, as a majority of people being broken out of prison are not in fact gang members and hardened criminals, but instead political prisoners and minorities (such as the Bedouin) who have been victims and captives of Mubarak’s suspicious and overbearing police state?

There are two sides to every story, at least.  As night begins to fall on Wednesday in Egypt, reports will continue to flood out from there, and many of them will narrowly discuss the small tragedies and inconveniences that social unrest poses for Egyptians and outsiders alike.  However, those stories that deserve the most attention will remind us that there are 300 people dead so far, and millions more risking their lives for their future; people who have already been subject to the organised looting, criminality and brutality of a 30+ year-old dictatorship.


Read More:
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/news/un-300-killed-nationwide-protests
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/01/29/us-egypt-vigilante-trib-idUSTRE70S3AZ20110129
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/egypt/8291661/Egypt-in-crisis-vigilantes-and-prisoners-on-the-streets.html
http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/106646/20110130/egyptian-protesters-ransack-cairo-museum-smashes-mummies-egyptian-museum-egyptian-art-egyptian-antiq.htm

Friday, January 7, 2011

Tunisia and Algeria: North African States of Unrest

Reports of civil unrest and suicidal protests in Algeria and Tunisia these past two weeks are highlighting the precarious conditions under which many people across the world live: on the verge of starvation, hopelessly unemployed and frequently homeless.  For decades these two neighboring nations have been considered relatively stable, if authoritarian African countries; with education and other economic indicators of prosperity on the rise.  However, more recently circumstances for Algerians and Tunisians have taken a turn for the worse, and a generation of youth has taken to the streets, demanding the right to opportunity, employment and price stability.

President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali
Perhaps the most shocking story emanating so far from North Africa is the story of a 26-year-old Tunisian graduate student, Mohammed Bouazizi, who died two days ago from his injuries after setting himself on fire on December 17th in an act of suicidal protest.  Bouazizi, unable to find any meaningful work, had taken to selling fruits and vegetables out of a cart to earn money, until police confiscated his cart for lacking a vendor's permit.  His hopeless decision to douse himself in gasoline and light himself on fire has been a call to arms for thousands of disenfranchised Tunisians, especially educated youths, who are facing the same circumstances as Bouazizi, and who are now protesting daily against a government which normally maintains strict social control through violent coercion.  Bouazizi's funeral procession was attended by an estimated 5,000 people.

There has been at least one other suicide-protest, two protesters were shot on Christmas-eve, and thousands of lawyers have gone on strike in solidarity with other lawyers who have been beaten, arrested and tortured by Tunisian police.  Thousands of protesters are in the streets daily across the country.  The Tunisian Federation of Labour Unions has seen their organised protests quashed by violent police.  The Tunisian president Ben Ali, who has been president for 23 years and is usually 're-elected' with a 95%+ majority, has addressed the nation on television, saying protests are unacceptable and are bad for the economy, and that the law will be applied firmly.

The situation in Algeria is roughly the same.  Among the youth, hopes for a stable and prosperous future have fallen to a critical level, with food prices rising 20-30% in the past few days.  Fuel and material prices are also rising sharply.  Many Algerians cannot afford such increases in daily necessities as the cost of housing is so high:  In 2003 an earthquake destroyed roughly one-million apartment units which have yet to be replaced, despite promises by the president and government.  This lack of supply has caused the cost of available housing to rise significantly and has led to homelessness and crowded residences.  According to the IMF, 75% of Algerians are under the age of 30, of whom 20% are unemployed.  Actual unemployment rates are higher, and among the employed, under-employment and low wages are a major problem with so many Algerians competing for jobs.  There has been looting of food outlets and stores closing in shopping districts.

It remains to be seen how authorities will ultimately deal with the growing riots and civil unrest, in both Tunisia and Algeria.  While the government of Tunisia has a large police force, and Algeria a well-armed and experienced anti-terrorism apparatus, neither government has faced such a spontaneous and popular uprising, according to many sources.  Such is the fate of nations who fail to redress social inequality, poverty, and despair amongst their people.


This short video by essiklibon taken from Youtube shows a typical protest in the tight streets of Tunisian cities.

Please read more about the current situation in Algeria and Tunisia here: